By : NILE BOWIE
KUALA LUMPUR : Animosity
between Malaysia's two leading political coalitions - the ruling Barisan
Nasional (BN) and opposition Pakatan Rakyat - has run high following the
opposition-led Himpunan Kebangkitan Rakyat mass rally held earlier this month
in the capital's iconic Merdeka Stadium.
Many argue that the
political climate has never been so polarized ahead of the country's 13th
general elections, democratic polls that have the potential to bring enormous
political, economic and social change.
BN, led by the United Malays
Nasional Organization (UMNO), has held power consecutively since Malaysia
achieved independence from colonial Britain in 1957. Pakatan Rakyat - a
coalition of the People's Justice Party (PKR), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and
Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) - looks to build on the historic gains it
made at the 2008 polls, where it initially won control of five out of 13 state
assemblies.
Since then, few have
acknowledged the emphasis that Prime Minister Najib Razak has put on
deconstructing draconian legislation that once allowed for indefinite detention
without trial and scoop arrests of government critics. Clearly, there is a
vocal and undeterred segment of the population which values civil liberties,
freedom of expression, and free assembly to whom he is bidding to appeal.
The fact that this month's
political rally occurred without incident is a sign that his administration is
more comfortable with liberalization than previous UMNO-led administrations.
While Najib has eased rules
regarding the publication of books and newspapers, the next administration
would gain enormous public support by relaxing controls on grass roots
political expression, including allowances for greater citizen participation in
checking and balancing alternative media.
At the same time, many of
the states under Paktan Rakyat's control have experienced administrative
mismanagement, including cases of water shortages that have left people without
basic utilities. Despite claims that it would reduce water tariffs, the PAS-led
administration in Kedah State has instead increased them.
In Selangor, reserve levels
of treated water neared zero because of prolonged spells of hot and dry
weather. Nonetheless, budget restructuring and tight conditions introduced
under the watch of the Selangor government have halted the construction of
needed water treatment plants, despite the current plants running at near
maximum operating and distribution capacity.
Institutions such as the
Malaysian Water Association (MWA) and Syabas (the water concessionaire in
Selangor State) have criticized the Paktan Rakyat-controlled Selangor
government for mismanaging the state's water resources, stating, "either
they don't understand water management or they just refuse to understand. They
are just politicizing it".
The fact that these untested
state governments have mismanaged state resources to the point where people
lose access to necessities like water will not be forgotten among many
Malaysian voters. BN is not a perfect coalition, but its component parties have
over the years demonstrated their capacity to agree on political programs.
The opposition, on the other
hand, is marred not only by disagreements between their component parties but
also with inner party disputes. Though ideologically incompatible, Pakatan
Rakyat's component parties have allied through political necessity to further
their own individual programs and agendas.
Tensions are emerging,
however. PAS members, such as Shahnon Ahmad, have cast doubt on the party for
no longer adhering to the needs of Islam by working together with the DAP. In
response, PAS spiritual leader and veteran politician Nik Aziz referenced how
the Prophet Muhammad cooperated with Jews and non-Muslims in ancient Mecca by
signing the Treaty of Hudaibiya, which was negatively perceived by the
Prophet's followers as a concession to non-Muslim enemies. Aziz was quoted
saying, "however, the Muslims managed to capture the city after
that".
To some, Aziz's comments
insinuated that PAS is only cooperating with Paktan Rakyat's component parties
to further its own program of founding an Islamic state governed under hudud
law. PAS has advocated gender segregation, dress code requirements, a crackdown
on high heels and lipstick, banning movie cinemas, and a ban on Valentine's
Day, all of which the party views as immoral.
Such a political program
only appeals to a limited demographic of the Malaysian population, and imposing
the will of Islamists onto non-Muslims would undermine religious freedoms and civil
liberties. The introduction of such laws in a country like Malaysia would thus
represent a dictatorship of a theocratic minority over the multi-faith
majority.
The focus of the next
administration should arguably instead be centered on safeguarding the
religious and cultural freedoms that binds together Malaysian society. Yet
there are questions emerging about Pakatan Rakyat leader Anwar Ibrahim's
liberal credentials, including on issues of dissent and political expression.
The recent lawsuit filed by
Anwar against political scientist Chandra Muzaffar provides one such insight.
Anwar pressed charges against Chandra for saying that his hypothetical tenure
as prime minister after the upcoming polls would be "an unmitigated
disaster for Malaysia".
As deputy prime minister and
finance minister under former authoritarian leader Mahathir Mohamad, Anwar's
economic policies were aligned with international financial institutions such
as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. Both have historically
dictated structural adjustment policies that cut social services and dismantle
social safety nets in favor of central bankers and private lending
institutions.
Some analysts believe that
if elected Anwar would again align his policies with the IMF, which has called
for the dismantling of Malaysia's subsidy regime. If those policies are pursued
in haste, some believe the nation could face the type of fuel riots that have
rocked Nigeria and Indonesia in recent times, and the vicious anti-austerity protests
that have become commonplace in the European Union members states such as
Greece, Spain, and Portugal.
For all the opposition
criticism, BN has delivered a laudable measure of economic growth and
stability. The ruling coalition's legitimacy is based largely on its ability to
deliver economic development with some of the lowest inflation rates in the
world, unemployment at a meager 2.9%, and steady economic growth of around 5%.
Under Najib's watch, Malaysia has enjoyed a relatively healthy economy in a
time of great global economic uncertainty.
The next administration will
need to find innovative ways to reduce increasing public debt levels, bolster
programs aimed at increasing incomes, and strengthen populist policies and the
social safety net. It will also need to steadfastly maintain the capital
controls imposed under Mahathir that have allowed the nation to navigate
through global economic and financial uncertainty.
The next government will
also need to respond to outside calls for subsidy reform by balancing its
budget wisely while retaining beneficial protectionist measures as it embarks
on sweeping infrastructural projects throughout the country.
The bottom line is that many
Malaysians do not feel like the government is listening to their voices, and
that it is more interested in appeasing foreign investors than grassroots
communities.
Amendments such as 114A,
which has been widely perceived to obstruct Internet freedoms, remain highly
unpopular, as does recent news of Malaysia signing onto the controversial
United States-led Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement.
The election, which must be
held by June, is expected to be a tight race, the results of which may
drastically alter the direction of the nation. If Najib is re-elected, his BN-led
administration would capture enormous public confidence if it continued
liberalizing political expression, squashed capital punishment penalties, and
oversaw genuine reform of the police by addressing their spotty custodial death
figures.
To uproot and prevent
corruption, the next government will need to mandate that all contracts be
awarded through open tenders. In that direction, politicians, ministers, and
civil society members should be required to declare their assets, disclose
their sources of political donations, and declare any foreign assistance and
bank accounts.
There is a popular call for
the next administration to take a progressive line on past unpopular policies,
whichever coalition is next elected at the ballot box.
(NOTE : Nile Bowie is an
independent political commentator and photographer based in Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia. He can be reached at nilebowie@gmail.com)
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