By : NILE BOWIE
AS THE South-East Asian
nation of Malaysia prepares for general elections, distrust of the political
opposition and accusations of foreign interference have been major talking
points in the political frequencies emanating from Kuala Lumpur.
The United Malays National
Organization (UMNO) leads the country’s ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional, and
has maintained power since Malaysian independence in 1957. One of Malaysia’s
most recognizable figures is former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, who
has been credited with ushering in large-scale economic growth and overseeing
the nation’s transition from an exporter of palm oil, tin, and other raw
materials, into an industrialized economy that manufactures automobiles and
electronic goods.
The opposition coalition,
Pakatan Rakyat, is headed by Anwar Ibrahim, who once held the post of Deputy
Prime Minister in Mahathir’s administration, but was sacked over major
disagreements on how to steer Malaysia’s economy during the 1997 Asian
financial crisis.
Today, the political climate
in Malaysia is highly polarized and a sense of unpredictability looms over the
nation. Malaysia’s current leader, Prime Minister Najib Razak, has pursued a
reform-minded agenda by repealing authoritarian legislation of the past and
dramatically loosening controls on expression and political pluralism
introduced under Mahathir’s tenure.
Najib has rolled back
Malaysia’s Internal Security Act, which allowed for indefinite detention
without trial, and has liberalized rules regarding the publication of books and
newspapers. During Malaysia’s 2008 general elections, the ruling Barisan
Nasional coalition experienced its worst result in decades, with the opposition
Pakatan Rakyat coalition winning 82 parliamentary seats.
For the first time, the
ruling party was deprived of its two-thirds parliamentary majority, which is
required to pass amendments to Malaysia’s Federal Constitution. In the run-up
to elections scheduled to take place before an April 2013 deadline, figures
from all sides of the political spectrum are asking questions about the
opposition’s links to foreign-funders in Washington.
Protestors form a human
chain in the city center of Kuala Lumpur during April 2012 protests in support
of the Bersih coalition.
The question of
foreign-funding
Malaysia’s former PM Dr.
Mahathir Mohamad has long captured the ire of officials from Washington and Tel
Aviv, and though he’s retired, he has channeled his energies into the Perdana
Global Peace Foundation, which recently hosted an international conference in
Kuala Lumpur calling for a new investigation into the events of 9/11 and has
sought to investigate war crimes committed in Gaza, Iraq and Afghanistan.
Mahathir has been an ardent
critic of Israel and organizations such as AIPAC, and has recently accused
US-based organizations the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and the Open
Society Institute (OSI) of holding a concealed intention to influence
Malaysia’s domestic politics through the funding of local NGOs and groups
directly linked to Anwar Ibrahim’s Pakatan Rakyat opposition coalition.
In an article the former
prime minister published in the New Straits Times, a leading mainstream
newspaper, Mahathir accuses financier George Soros and his organization, the
Open Society Institute, of “promoting democracy” in Eastern Europe to pave the
way for colonization by global finance capital. Mahathir acknowledges how OSI
pumped millions into opposition movements and independent media in Hungary,
Ukraine and Georgia under the guise of strengthening civil society, only to
have like-minded individuals nominated by Soros’s own foundation come to power
in those countries.
The former prime minister
has also pointed to how Egypt (prior to Mohamad Morsi taking power) has cracked
down on NGOs affiliated with NED, namely groups such as the National Democratic
Institute, the International Republican Institute (IRI) and Freedom House,
which are all recipients of funding from the US State Department. In Malaysia,
high-profile NGOs and media outlets have admittedly received funding from OSI
and satellite organizations of NED.
Premesh Chandran, the CEO of
the nation’s most prominent alternative media outlet, Malaysiakini, is a
grantee of George Soros’s Open Society Foundations and launched the news
organization with a $100,000 grant from the Bangkok-based Southeast Asian Press
Alliance (SEAPA), another organization with dubious affiliations to the US
State Department.
Malaysiakini has come under
pressure from local journalists for the lack of transparency in its financial
management and hesitance in revealing the value of its shares. Additionally,
Suaram, an NGO promoting human rights, has borne heavy criticism over its
funding and organizational structure.
The Companies Commission of
Malaysia launched investigations into Suara Inisiatif Sdn Bhd, a private
company linked to Suaram, and found it to be a conduit for money being used to
channel funds from NED.
Suaram has been instrumental
in legitimizing allegations of a possible cover-up of the murder of a Mongolian
fashion model, Altantuya Shaaribuu, who was living in Malaysia in 2006 and
associated with government officials that have been linked to a kickback
scandal involving the government’s purchase of submarines from France.
Senator Ezam Mohd Nor,
himself a recipient of Suaram’s Human Rights Award, has accused the
organization of employing poor research methods and attempting to disparage the
government:
“Malaysians have the right
to feel suspicious about them. They have been making personal allegations
against the Prime Minister [Najib Razak] on the murder of Altantuya and many
other cases without proof… their motive is very questionable especially when
they are more inclined towards ridiculing and belittling the ruling
government.”
The German Embassy in KL has
reportedly admitted that it has provided funds to Suaram's project in 2010.
Malaysia’s Foreign Minister Anifah Aman followed by making strong statements to
the German Ambassador and declared that Germany’s actions could be viewed as
interference in the domestic affairs of a sovereign state.
Since 2007, Bersih, an
association of NGOs calling itself the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections,
staged three street protests in which thousands of yellow-clad demonstrators
took to the streets in Kuala Lumpur demanding electoral reform.
After coming under heavy
scrutiny for obfuscating funding sources, Bersih coalition leader Ambiga
Sreenevasan admitted that her organization receives funding from the National
Democratic Institute and the Open Society Institute.
Sreenevasan herself has been
the recipient of the US State Department’s Award for International Women of
Courage, and was present in Washington DC in 2009 to receive the award directly
from the hands of Michelle Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. While
Sreenevasan’s organization claimed to be non-partisan and apolitical, members
of Malaysia’s political opposition openly endorsed the movement, and some were
even present at the demonstrations.
Anatomy of Malaysia’s
political opposition
Malaysia is a multi-cultural
and multi-religious state, and both the ruling and opposition parties attempt
to represent the nation’s three largest ethnic groups. Approximately 60 per
cent of Malaysians are either ethnic Malay or other indigenous groups and are
mostly listed as Muslim, while another 25 per cent are ethnic Chinese who are
predominantly Buddhist, with 7 per cent mostly Hindu Indian-Malaysians.
The United Malays National
Organization, the Malaysian Chinese Association, and the Malaysian Indian
Congress head Barisan Nasional. The opposition, Pakatan Rakyat, currently
controls four state governments and is led by Anwar Ibrahim’s Keadilan Rakyat,
the Chinese-led Democratic Action Party (DAP), and staunchly Islamist Malaysian
Islamic Party (PAS).
While a large percentage of
urbanites with legitimate grievances are quick to acknowledge the government’s
shortcomings, many are hesitant to back Anwar Ibrahim due to his connections
with neo-conservative thinkers in Washington and general disunity within the
opposition.
Ibrahim maintains close ties
with senior US officials and organizations such as the National Endowment for
Democracy. In 2005, Ibrahim chaired the Washington-based Foundation for the
Future, established and funded by the US Department of State at the behest of
Elizabeth Cheney, the daughter of then-Vice President Dick Cheney, thanks in
large part to his cozy relationship with Paul Wolfowitz.
While Ibrahim was on trial
for allegedly engaging in sodomy with a male aide (something he was later
acquitted of), Wolfowitz and former US Vice-President Al Gore authored a joint
opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal in support of Ibrahim, while the
Washington Post published an editorial calling for consequences that would
affect Malaysia’s relations with Washington if Ibrahim was to be found guilty.
Ibrahim enraged many when he
stated that he would support policy to protect the security of Israel in an
interview with the Wall Street Journal; this is particularly controversial in
Malaysia, where support for Palestine is largely unanimous. Malaysian political
scientist Dr. Chandra Muzaffar writes:
“It is obvious that by acknowledging the
primacy of Israeli security, Anwar was sending a clear message to the deep
state and to Tel Aviv and Washington that he is someone that they could trust.
In contrast, the Najib government, in spite of its attempts to get closer to
Washington, remains critical of Israeli aggression and intransigence. Najib has
described the Israeli government as a ‘serial killer’ and a ‘gangster’”.
Members of Barisan Nasional
have addressed Ibrahim’s connections to the National Endowment for Democracy in
the Malaysian Parliament, including his participation in NED’s ‘Democracy
Award’ event held in Washington DC in 2007.
Independent journalists have
uncovered letters written by Anwar Ibrahim, two of which were sent to NED
President Carl Gershman in Washington DC that discussed sending an
international election observer team to Malaysia and general issues related to
electoral reform.
A third letter was sent to
George Soros, expressing interest in collaborating with an accountability firm
headed by Ibrahim. Pakatan Rakyat’s Communications Director, Nik Nazmi Nik
Ahmad, verified the authenticity of the documents.
This should come as little
surprise, as Ibrahim’s economic policies have historically aligned with
institutions such as the IMF and World Bank, in contrast to Mahathir, whose
protectionist economic policies opposed international financial institutions
and allowed Malaysia to navigate and largely resurface from the 1997 Asian
financial crisis unscathed.
An issue that concerns
secular and non-Muslim Malaysian voters is the role of the Malaysian Islamic
Party (PAS) as part of the opposition. In sharp contrast to the moderate brand
of Islam preached by UMNO, the organization’s primary objective is the founding
of an Islamic state.
The PAS has spoken of
working within the framework of Malaysia’s parliamentary democracy, but holds
steadfast to implementing sharia law on a national scale, which would lead to
confusing implications for Malaysia’s sizable non-Muslim population.
The debate around the
implementation of Islamic hudud penal code is something that other Pakatan
Rakyat coalition members, such as figures in the Chinese-led Democratic Action
Party, have been unable to agree on.
The PAS enjoys support from
rural Malay Muslims in conservative states such as Kedah, Kelantan and
Terengganu in northern Malaysia, though they have very limited appeal to
urbanites. While certain individuals in PAS have raised questions about NGOs
receiving foreign funding, Mahathir has insinuated that PAS’s leadership has
been largely complicit:
“They [foreign interests] want to topple the
government through the demonstration and Nik Aziz [Spiritual leader of PAS]
said it is permissible to bring down the government in this manner. They want
to make Malaysia like Egypt, Tunisia, which were brought down through riots and
now Syria…. when the government does not fall, they [Pakatan Rakyat] can appeal
to the foreign power to help and bring down, even if it means using fire
power.”
Despite claims of being
non-partisan and unaffiliated with any political party, the country’s main
opposition leader, Anwar Ibrahim, fully endorsed the Bersih movement.
Feasibility of ‘regime
change’ narrative
It must be acknowledged that
the current administration led by Prime Minister Najib Razak has made great
strides toward improving relations with Washington. At a meeting with President
Barack Obama in 2010, Najib offered Malaysia’s assistance to cooperate with the
United States to engage the Muslim world; Najib also expressed willingness to
deploy Malaysian aid personnel to Afghanistan, and allegedly agreed on the need
to maintain a unified front on Iran's nuclear program.
Najib has employed a
Washington-based public relations firm, APCO, to improve Malaysia’s image in
the US and has seemingly embraced American economic leadership of the region
through his support for the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement. Some
would argue that Najib is perhaps the most pro-American leader Malaysia has
ever had – a stark contrast to the boldness of Mahathir. Despite Najib having
good rapport with formal Western leaders, it is clear with whom the thank-tank
policy architects, Zionist lobbies, and foundation fellows have placed their
loyalties.
Sentiment among Malaysia’s
youth and “pro-democracy” activists, who constitute a small but vocal minority,
tend be entirely dismissive of the ‘regime change’ narrative, viewing it as
pre-election diversionary rhetoric of the ruling party.
While bogeymen of the
Zionist variety are often invoked in Malaysian political discourse, it would be
negligent to ignore the effects of Washington-sponsored ‘democracy promotion’
in the global context, which have in recent times cloaked mercenary elements
and insurgents in the colors of freedom fighting, and successfully masked
geopolitical restructuring and the ushering in of neo-liberal capitalism with
the hip and fashionable vigor of ‘people power’ coups.
As the United States
continues to militarily increase its presence in the Pacific region in line
with its strategic policy-shift to East Asia, policy makers in Washington would
like to see compliant heads of state who will act to further American interests
in the ASEAN region.
Let’s not ignore the
elephant in the room; the real purpose of America’s resurgence of interest in
the ASEAN bloc is to fortify the region as a counterweight against Beijing. The
defense ministries of Malaysia and China held a landmark defense and security
consultation in September 2012, in addition to frequent bilateral state visits
and enhanced economic cooperation.
It was the father of the
current leader, Malaysia's second Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak, who made the
landmark visit to Beijing to normalize relations in 1974, and under his son
Najib, Sino-Malaysian relations and cooperation have never been better.
Following the global
economic crisis of 2008, Najib looked to Beijing to revive Malaysia's export
oriented economy, emphasizing increased Chinese investment into Malaysia and
expanding the base of Sino-Malaysian trade in areas like education and student
exchange, finance, infrastructure development, science and technology, yielding
lucrative and mutually beneficial results.
China has been Malaysia's
largest trade partner, with trade figures reaching US$90 billion in 2011;
Malaysia is China’s largest trading partner among ASEAN nations.
In asking the question of
regime change in Malaysia, Dr. Chandra Muzaffar reflects on Washington’s moves
to bolster its military muscle and dominance over the Asia-Pacific region:
“Establishing a military
base in Darwin [Australia], resurrecting the US’ military alliance with the
Philippines, coaxing Japan to play a more overt military role in the region,
instigating Vietnam to confront China over the Spratly Islands, and encouraging
India to counterbalance Chinese power, are all part and parcel of the larger US
agenda of encircling and containing China.
In pursuing this agenda, the
US wants reliable allies – not just friends – in Asia. In this regard, Malaysia
is important because of its position as a littoral state with sovereign rights
over the Straits of Malacca, which is one of China’s most critical supply
routes that transports much of the oil and other materials vital for its
economic development.
Will the containment of China
lead to a situation where the hegemon, determined to perpetuate its dominant
power, seek to exercise control over the Straits in order to curb China’s
ascendancy? Would a trusted ally in Kuala Lumpur facilitate such control? The
current Malaysian leadership does not fit the bill.”
'Backwards' and forwards
Pakatan Rakyat, the main
opposition coalition pitted against the ruling party, has yet to offer a fully
coherent organizational program, and if the coalition ever came to power, the
disunity of its component parties and their inability to agree on fundamental
policies would be enough to conjure angrier, disenchanted youth back on to the
streets, in larger numbers perhaps.
What is ticklishly ironic
about reading op-eds penned by the likes of Wolfowitz and Al Gore, and how they
laud Malaysia as a progressive and moderate model Islamic state, is that they
concurrently demonize its leadership and dismiss them authoritarian thugs.
Surely, the ruling coalition
has its shortcomings; the politicization of race and religion, noted cases of
corrupt officials squandering funds, etc. – but far too few, especially those
of the middle-class who benefit most from energy subsidies, acknowledge the
tremendous economic growth achieved under the current leadership and the
success of their populist policies.
Najib’s administration would
do well to place greater emphasis on addressing the concerns of Malaysia’s
minorities who view affirmative action policies given to Malay ethnicities as
disproportionate; income status, not ethnicity, should be a deciding factor in
who receives assistance. The current administration appears set to widen
populist policies that make necessities affordable through subsidies and
continue to assist low-income earners with cash handouts.
Najib has acknowledged the
need for broad reforms of Malaysia’s state-owned enterprises over concerns that
crony capitalism may deter foreign investment; this should be rolled out
concurrently with programs to foster more local entrepreneurship.
To put it bluntly, the
opposition lacks confidence from the business community and foreign investors;
even the likes of JP Morgan have issued statements of concern over an
opposition win.
It should be noted that if
Islamists ever wielded greater influence in Malaysia under an opposition
coalition, one could imagine a sizable exodus of non-Muslim minorities and a
subsequent flight of foreign capital, putting the nation’s economy in a fragile
and fractured state.
And yet, the United States
has poured millions into ‘democracy promotion’ efforts to strengthen the
influence of NGOs that distort realities and cast doubt over the government’s
ability to be a coherent actor.
Malaysia does not have the
kind of instability that warrants overt external intervention; backing
regime-change efforts may only go so far as supporting dissidents and groups
affiliated with Anwar Ibrahim. No matter the result of the upcoming elections, Najib
appears to have played ball enough for Washington to remain more or less
neutral.
According to Bersih
coalition leader Ambiga Sreenevasan, Malaysia’s electoral process is so
restrictive that a mass movement like Bersih is required to purge the system of
its backwardness. These are curious statements, considering that the opposition
gained control of four out of 13 states in 2008, including Selangor, a key
economic state with the highest GDP and most developed infrastructure.
In response, Najib has adhered
to Bersih’s demands and has called for electoral reform, forming a
parliamentary select committee comprising members from both Pakatan Rakyat and
Barisan Nasional. As elections loom, Bersih coalition leader Ambiga Sreenavasan
is already dubbing them “the dirtiest elections ever seen” – unsurprising
rhetoric from a woman being handed her talking points by the US embassy.
This article originally
appeared on Russia Today
(NOTE : Nile Bowie is an
independent political commentator and photographer based in Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia. He can be reached at nilebowie@gmail.com)
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