By : FMT STAFF
KOTA KINABALU: Chief
Minister Musa Aman and his colleagues in the Umno-led Sabah Barisan Nasional
government will be sitting uneasy this weekend when the State Legislative
Assembly meets and the spotlight is focused on alleged corruption in high
places.
Sabah Progressive Party
(SAPP) legislators have called for a debate on the mysterious RM40 million
political donation to Sabah Umno that the party itself and the state BN knew
nothing about until about a week ago when it was revealed in Parliament.
The challenge comes after
Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Nazri Aziz denied in a written
reply to the Dewan Rakyat that the S$16 million contraband cash seized at the
Hong Kong international airport from Sabahan Michael Chia Tien Foh was Musa’s
money.
Nazri disclosed on Oct 11
that the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) had concluded after a
four-year investigation that “no element of corruption was proven” against
Musa.
However, SAPP has no
intention of letting go of the controversy surrounding the sudden windfall for
Sabah Umno.
It is contending that
Nazri’s explanation and the government’s refusal to disclose the identity of
the donor has only heightened suspicion that has lingered since 2008 when Hong
Kong’s Independent
Commission Against
Corruption (ICAC) exposed the affair with the seizure.
The secretive nature of the
“political donation”, the abnormally long MACC investigation, conflicting
statements by the authorities and a paper trail that links various people to
the money simply don’t stake up with the conclusion that nothing out of the
ordinary has taken place, the opposition party is contending.
The demand for a debate is
one of the two motions submitted by the two SAPP legislators Melanie Chia
(Luyang) and Liew Teck Chan (Likas) to the secretary of the State Legislative
Assembly, Bernard Dalinting.
Liew said the RM40 million
political donation to Sabah Umno should be debated in the state assembly as it
is of public interest since it implicated Musa.
Smacks of a cover-up
He said the government owes
the country an explanation as to why no action was taken against those
involved, especially when such an act clearly contravened Section 613 of the
Malaysia Anti-Money Laundering Act 2001.
He added that the people
have the right to know whether the donor is an individual or a company, whether
they had declared the amount and paid income tax on it and why it remained
secretive.
“The people of Malaysia also
wish to know if money laundering can be legitimised in the name of political donation
to Umno,” he said.
Liew, who is also a deputy
president of SAPP contended that the manner the Barisan Nasional government had
handled the whole affair smacked of a cover-up to bail out Musa, who is also
the Sabah Umno and BN chief.
The affair raises questions
as to how Sabah Umno managed to secure such a huge political donation and what
is the relationship between Chia, Musa, who has said he does not know the
businessman, and Sabah Umno.
The twists and turns the
investigation has taken has led many to conclude that a cover-up has taken
place.
Critics have pointed out
that MACC deputy chief commissioner (operations) Shukri Abdul on Oct 5
confirmed that the investigation against Musa was on corruption and the MACC
had completed its probe.
However, his statement came
with the caveat that MACC’s operations review panel was not satisfied with its
findings on the case at the panel’s last sitting in May and wanted further
evidence against Musa.
Nazri, on the other hand,
has claimed that MACC had concluded that there was no evidence of corruption
after four long years of investigating an elementary case of an “unknown” Sabah
businessman caught red-handed trying to smuggle in an enormous sum of cash.
Bank statements
With evidence in abundance
of an intricate network of money flow originating from timber deals in Sabah
and ending up in Musa’s personal account in UBS AG in Zurich, Switzerland, and
popping up in the Internet, Nazri’s facile reply has provoked anger.
Critics point to a flow chart
showing these movements complete with account details that were produced by the
ICAC and conveyed to the MACC, according to online media Sarawak Report, which
also posted the chart.
The ICAC had apparently
forwarded its findings to MACC with a request for co-operation to wrap up the
case, but MACC could not deliver for unknown reasons.
The MACC has not denied that
it is in possession of ICAC’s laborious investigations into the case including
the money flow chart.
Musa, responding to Sarawak
Report’s various allegations that, among others, his two sons studying in
Australia regularly received timber kickbacks from bank accounts controlled by
Chia, has flatly denied these in a written statement on April 12.
“I deny all these
allegations. I wish to put it on record once again that I have no business
association whatsoever with an individual named Michael Chia,” he was quoted as
saying.
However, his denial was
contradicted by bank statements produced in the Singapore High Court in a civil
suit in June brought by a former associate of Chia over some money.
To defend its position in
the dispute, UBS AG produced bank statements that show Musa’s sons – Mohammed
Hayssam Musa and Hazem Musa Hazem Mubarak Musa – were regular recipients of
money remitted from accounts of companies which Chia claimed to be under his
control.
The evidence produced by
both UBS AG and Chia in court contradicts what Musa claims regarding Chia.
With all this already well
known, Liew said the people of Sabah demand to know if MACC is participating in
a cover-up on instructions of the BN government.
Prime Minister Najib Tun
Razak has said that there is nothing wrong or illegal for a political party to
receive donations and that “every political party has the right to receive
political donation as long as it is done in a proper way”.
SAPP, however, contends that
nothing that has transpired in the affair can be even remotely viewed as having
been “done in proper way”.
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