By : JEO FERNANDEZ
SOME call it Project IC,
some call it Project M, whatever the name, here is what we have learnt from the
royal commission of inquiry on immigrants in Sabah, in particular, the covert
operations that allowed foreigners to vote in the bid to topple the PBS-led
Sabah government.
1. There were at least two
such black operations
G17 (or Group of 17)
Ring leader: Former Sabah
National Registration Department (NRD) chief Abdul Rauf Sani (1990-1992)
Known figures involved: NRD
officers Kee Dzulkifly Kee Abdul Jalil, Yakup Damsah, Asli Sidup
Political figures
implicated: Then premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad's political secretary Aziz
Shamsuddin
Time period: 1990 onwards
Modus operandi
Sabah NRD officers were
flown to Sabah to process some 40,000 to 100,000 blue identity cards for
immigrants. This was necessary as at that time, the identity cards' details and
signature were done by hand.
After the details had been
written on the cards as per the application forms furnished to the officers,
they were dispatched to the then NRD headquarters in Petaling Jaya to be
laminated before being returned to Kota Kinabalu.
The officers testified that
they did not question the application forms or their origin, but merely filled
them up for the blue identity cards as they were.
NONEThey claimed to have
operated from Aziz Shamsudin's house in Kampung Pandan. Asli Sidup described
being flown in to Kuala Lumpur for this as an "unusual practice".
Another officer, Kee
Dzulkifly Kee Abdul Jalil - who had described the operation as 'G17' and
locally based in the Sabah NRD headquarters in Kota Kinabalu - said they also
issued some 200,000 birth certificates to immigrants.
This document is important
for future application of blue identity cards. The operation was tagged G17 as
it consisted of 17 members.
Head of operations Abdul
Rauf Sani had confirmed the testimonies, but denied the use of the 'G17' name.
He claimed to have acted alone.
All known personalities
involved were eventually detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA) for at
least two years.
The only exception was Abdul
Rauf, who was detained under ISA for two months, followed by five months of
restricted residence.
He is now the chief
executive officer of the Totalisator Board of Malaysia under the Finance
Ministry.
Ops Durian Buruk
Ring leader: Former Sabah
NRD chief Ramli Kamarudin (1993-1995)
Known figures involved:
Former Sabah NRD deputy chief Mohd Nasir Sugip, NRD officer Asli Sidup (also
involved in G17), former Sabah Election Commission (EC) chief Wan Ahmad Wan
Yusof
Political figures
implicated: Former Sabah chief minister Osu Sukam, former deputy home minister
Megat Junid Megat Ayub
Time period: Late 1993
onwards
Modus operandi
According to RCI
testimonies, the Sabah EC furnished the state NRD with legitimate voter
information, including names and identity card numbers of registered voters who
had never voted before or are dead.
The NRD then issues an
identity card receipt to immigrants using this information.
NONEAccording to electoral
rules, this receipt, an interim document given prior to the issuance of an
actual blue identity card, is sufficient to allow a person to vote, and in this
case, for immigrants to vote.
These ‘phantom voters' are
then planted into marginal constituencies deemed as black zones for the BN,
according to witness testimonies.
Chief of operations Ramli
Kamarudin said he executed this project after personally receiving instructions
at a meeting with former deputy home minister, the late Megat Junid Megat Ayub,
at the Hyatt Hotel, Kota Kinabalu.
Also present at the meeting
were NRD officer Asli Sidup and Osu Sukam, who went on to become Sabah chief
minister in 1999.
2. Illegal granting of
citizenship began as early as 1988
Even though two operations
in the 1990s have been mentioned to have taken place during the course of the
RCI hearing, witnesses who were beneficiaries of such citizenship-for-votes
operations indicate that they began in the late 1980s.
One such case was that of
Mohamed Hussein, a Pakistani citizen who arrived in Sabah in 1987 and offered a
blue identity card the following year.
3. Highly motivated to vote
Almost all the
immigrants-turned-citizens testified they registered as voters immediately
after receiving their blue identity cards.
Puzzled at their unrivaled
urge to vote even compared to natural citizens, civil society lawyers holding a
watching brief at the RCI had grilled the witnesses, but all of them claim to
have done so of their own volition.
They claimed to have
personally gone to the state EC to register as voters.
4. National Security
Council's fingerprints all over
The prime movers of at least
two known operations, namely G17 and Ops Durian Buruk were formerly officers of
the National Security Council (NSC) under the Prime Minister's Department.
Abdul Rauf Sani was
transferred from the NSC in 1990 to helm Sabah NRD, the same time when G17
started.
In 1992, he returned to the
NSC to work with its intelligence division.
Abdul Rauf's successor,
Ramli Kamarudin, too, was transferred from the NSC in 1993 to head the Sabah
NRD and shortly before Ops Durian Burok began.
Ramli said he was
"ordered" to go to Sabah to help support the creation of a state
government that would be "favourable to Islam".
5. Kemas and unnamed
political party also implicated
Aside from the NRD and Sabah
EC that were implicated, the federal government's Community Development
Department (Kemas) was also fingered during the RCI.
NRD officer Asli Sidup, who
was involved in both operations, had said that aside from Sabah EC, Kemas and
an unnamed political party were responsible for furnishing NRD with names of
registered voters who had never voted for the issuance of blue identity card
receipts to immigrants under Ops Durian Buruk.
6. RCI isn't particularly
interested on who gave the orders
The three RCI conducting
officers are Manoj Kurup, Azmi Ariffin and Jamil Aripin who are tasked to
question witnesses during the hearing.
Ten police officers and
members of the Malaysian Anti Corruption Commission (MACC) had also been
appointed for the RCI's investigation - the same people who had interviewed the
witnesses before taking the stand.
population boom in sabah
061008Based on what the witnesses had testified and their statements from the
interview to date, the investigation appears to be fairly independent but it is
unclear if key parts of the 'Project IC' will come to light, particularly on
who gave the orders as it is not part of the RCI terms of reference.
Therefore, the conducting
officers did not pursue this line of questioning.
An example was when Abdul
Rauf Sani was quizzed about G17, the conducting officer Azmi Ariffin had only
sought to confirm that they had operated at the residence of Mahathir's
political secretary Aziz Shamsuddin but did not go beyond this.
In contrast, watching brief
lawyer James Sikayun had grilled Abdul Rauf on why he was at Aziz's residence
and whether he had receive instructions from higher ups, but answers were not
forthcoming.
Civil society lawyers
holding a watching brief are allowed to question the witnesses and they will
likely play a role in pushing the limits of the RCI's terms of reference for
more information.
The RCI is confined by eight
terms of reference:
1) To determine number of
immigrants granted blue identity cards;
2) To determine number of immigrants
granted blue identity card due to statelessness;
3) To investigate whether
this was done legally;
4) To investigate if
immigrants holding blue identity cards were illegally registered in the
electoral roll;
5) To investigate the
standard operating procedures (SOP) for issuance of blue identity card and
recommend improvements;
6) To probe if the
authorities had taken action or done improvements to the SOP to prevent
infringement of the law;
7) To investigate reason
behind the increase in Sabah's population and their impact on the electoral
roll; and,
8) To investigate the social
implications of granting citizenship to immigrants in the state.
7. Conducting officers
aren't fans of the media
Often times witnesses are
questioned based solely on their statements given during their interview prior
to taking the stand.
They are asked to agree or
disagree as the statement is read out which could contain names implicated by
witnesses or several set of figures.
However, unlike previous
royal commissions of inquiry such as the one on Teoh Beng Hock's death,
conducting officers are much less forthcoming in providing information and
clarification.
8. Context matters
The Project IC apparently
began following a political shift in Sabah in which Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS)
swept to power in 1985, ousting the BN for the very first time.
However, PBS joined BN a
year later after riots broke out in relation to the election results which
destabilised the state government.
During this period,
according to testimonies, there appear to be some cases of immigrants being
illegally granted citizenship.
However, this operation went
into full swing - in the form of G17 and Ops Durian Buruk - after PBS left the
BN in 1990, days before the state election.
bn supreme council mt
meeting sapp sabah issue 190608 pairin kitinganIn that election, PBS won 36 out
of 48 seats in the state assembly. PBS then led by Joseph Pairin Kittingan, was
perceived to be a Christian party.
By the 1994 state election
held on Feb 18 and 19, the PBS majority was slashed to two - it had 25 seats
against BN's 23.
Despite the victory, Joseph
Pairin had to wait outside the state palace for some 36 hours before finally
being sworn in by the governor.
The delay was supposedly due
to manoeuvring to oust the now fragile incumbent through defections, in which
then deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim played a key role.
Nevertheless, the PBS
government lasted another two weeks before collapsing as a majority of its
elected representatives defected to BN.
The defectors included
Bernard Dompok, Lajim Ukin, and the chief minister's own brother, Jeffrey
Pairin Kittingan.
With the mass defections,
the PBS was left with only three elected representatives, namely Joseph Pairin,
Maximus Ongkili and Amir Kahar Mustapha.
Joseph Pairin attempted to
dissolve the state assembly, but this was denied by the governor. He eventually
tendered his resignation as chief minister on March 24, 1994.
RCI resumes today
The RCI will reconvene its
public hearing in Kota Kinabalu today until Friday, with a third session
scheduled for Feb 22 to 27.
A total of 29 witnesses had
testified in the first five-day session which concluded on Jan 18. The RCI had
officially announced that a total of 48 witnesses would be called.
However, Prime Minister
Najib Abdul Razak had revealed that there would be a total of 167 witnesses.
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